The most important periodicals of the Romantic period were El Artista (1835–1836) and the Semanario Pintoresco Espan˜ol (1836–1857). Directed by Eugenio de Ochoa, El Artista was modeled on the French L’Artiste, and it served as an important vehicle for Romantic polemics against a Neoclassical literary establishment perceived to be excessively formulaic and historically out of step. The journal’s collaborators included, among others, Jose´ de Espronceda, Patricio de la Escosura, Jacinto Salas y Quiroga, and Jose´ Zorrilla. The journal also became known for the high-quality graphic art, directed by Pedro Madrazo, that accompanied its essays, stories, and poems, and the interplay between verbal and visual representations in El Artista announced a tendency destined to grow stronger over the course of the century as technological advances in the graphic arts – and later, photography – facilitated the juxtaposition of words and images. Indeed, the long-lived Semanario Pintoresco Espan˜ol, directed by Ramo´n de Mesonero Romanos, owed much of its success to the numerous illustrations that accompanied its articles, and the journal’s status as one of the premier vehicles of publication for the brief sketch of social manners that came to be known as the cuadro de costumbres depended in large measure on such combinations.
The modern genealogy of the cuadro de costumbres can be traced to the Enlightenment shift toward a decidedly empirical epistemology, and the genre’s antecedents in eighteenth-century Spain all reveal an increasing focus on the representation of contemporary social life. Early examples of costumbrista representation can be found across a wide range of eighteenth-century cultural forms that include, among others, the short essays of Jose´ Clavijo y Fajardo’s journal El Pensador (1762–1767), the social satire of Leandro Ferna´ndez Morat´ın’s theatre (in El cafe´, for example), the comedic sainetes of Ramo´n de la Cruz, the painter Francisco Goya’s satirical caprichos, and the folkloric turn of music collectors such as Juan Antonio de Iza Zama´cola.12 Most literary historians have noted, however, that the cuadro de costumbres does not become fully established
10 Leonardo Romero Tobar, Panorama cr´ıtico del romanticismo espan˜ol (Madrid: Castalia,
1994), pp. 49–50.
11 Lee Fontanella, “The Fashion and Styles of Spain’s Costumbrismo.” Revista Canadiense
De Estudios Hispa´nicos 6.2 (1982), pp. 175–189.
12 Rinaldo Froldi, “Anticipaciones dieciochescas del costumbrismo roma´ntico.” Romanti-
Cismo 6 (1996), pp. 163–170.
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008
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As a distinctive literary genre until the 1830s, when it crystallizes in the form of a brief newspaper article aimed at a middle-class reading public.
For one of the genre’s leading scholars, costumbrismo inaugurates nothing less than a fundamentally new form of literary mimesis inasmuch as its object of representation is no longer an abstract, universal human nature, but rather a human subject deeply enmeshed in a specific time and place.13 In displacing the older universalist premises, costumbrismo can thus be understood as performing a secularizing function similar to Romantic historicism, and, like the Realist dimensions of the historical novel, costumbrismo’s dominant mode of representation again seems to fly in the face of the lyricism traditionally associated with Romantic rhetoric. The ostensibly objective focus of the cuadro de costumbres and the internal world of Romantic poetic expression, however, are in many ways two sides of the same coin. For with few exceptions, and despite Romantic myths to the contrary, the Romantic gaze – whether turned inward to the subject or outward to the objects that surround it – registered a fundamentally bourgeois world view. While poetic representations of Romantic subjectivity provided complex models of the self for an emergent liberalism that had posited the individual as its basic unit of reference, the seemingly more objective qualities of costumbrista mimesis worked to index the external world to the predominantly middle-class perspective that increasingly structured the Spanish polity.14
Indeed, taken collectively, the pages of costumbrista periodicals display a veritable taxonomy of personages (beggars, laborers, doormen, shopkeepers, bankers, functionaries), public spaces (cafes, restaurants, boulevards, plazas), and shared customs (the siesta, the evening walk, the bullfight, the invitation to a meal, the New Year’s Eve celebration). While such an inventory points to the burgeoning classificatory rhetoric of the sciences, the common denominator to this wide array of representations is the figure of the observer himself, the literate narrator who becomes the measure of the reality he attempts to document. Akin to the French flaˆneur, the costumbrista is a man about town, an observer who, with notebook in hand, takes in his surroundings in order to represent them as “slices of life” for his readers. Typically male and middle-class, the identity of the costumbrista narrator in many ways replicated the ideal citizen – the man of property – predicated by liberal ideology.
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